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Islamic Political Thought of Paku Buwana IV

By hermanu | April 7, 2009

Dimuat dalam Jurnal Millah, Vo. 8, No. 2. Feb 2009

Abstrak

Tekanan-tekanan politik yang dilancarkan oleh pemerintah kolonial Belanda telah mendorong raja dan aristokrat Jawa menggunakan Islam sebagai ideologi perjuangan. Dengan landasan ideologi tersebut memberi peluang raja mengembangkan jejaring politik dengan ulama, pesantren, dan kelompok politik dalam masyakarat untuk membangun basis massa dan legitimasi politik. Keresahan politik dan ekonomi akibat pembagian kekuasaan Mataram memaksa PB IV memperkenalkan pemikiran politik Islam, din-dawlah. Pemikiran politik Islam transnasional yang diperkenalkan PB IV menimbulkan kekhawatiran sejumlah elit politik Jawa, dan Sunan dipaksa kembali secara militer.

 

 

 

 

A. Introduction

Nowadays emerge a debate about local Islam construction in Nusantara. Debate took placed in different perspectives, which are dunya-akhirat, din-dawlah, and umur al-dunya-umur al-din, this make the debate is difficult to come across. The Islamic founding father understood that Islamising in Java is best propagated by using local culture so it’s easy to be accepted, and fastened the process. Theconsequence, Islam is constructed in society as a form of an acculturation of the Javanese idea, Hindu, and Buddha concurrently.[1]That construction was not a mistake of the Islamic founding father, but the Javanese idea, Hindu, and Buddha that are still exist in society, so Islamising require a time and continuity. In history, king and aristocrats took a fancy to local Islam rather than Islam trans-national. The acceptance of local Islam was not caused of running syariat, but Islam had the strength overcome social cultural, social economic and social politic problems.

The construction of local Islam yielded three variant of leader, which are Muslim scholar bureaucracy, non-bureaucracy, and syncretism.[2]Muslim scholar bureaucracy reside in the palace, while Muslim scholar of non-bureaucracy and the leader of syncretismreside in their society. Muslim scholar of non-bureaucracy and syncretism are opposition of the palace and Dutch government. They owned powerful mass bases that representing centrifugal power, and will able to menace king’s power.[3]Political murder toward Sheikh Siti Jenar, Sheikh Amongrogo, and the others are show that there was political wrestling between king and religion leader. For weaken of the centrifugal power of non-bereaucratics and syncretism, Sultan Agung (1613-1645) created a policy that the palace a center of Islamising in Java, and Islam representing cultural reconciliation of Javanese tradition.[4] This means that the palace a center of Islamic studies,[5] Islam as a political legitimating tools,[6] and pattern of the faith is syncretism.[7]

The principally of Sultan Agung’s policy was identical with cuius regio eius et religio ideas. It’s mean “king’s religion is the people’s religion”. The Implication of that principally was existence of policy of containment toward Muslim scholar non-bureaucracy. The form of policy of containment by giving perdikan land to Muslim scholar non-bureaucracy.[8]So, perdikan land as a tools of political cooperation and political repressive. It’s problem how Islamic political thought of Paku Buwana IV, and why that ideas would be mutation when dealing with politics of Dutch colonial.

B. Muslim Alienation by Dutch Colonial Policy

Sultan Agung succeeded to put down the Islamic symbols in political system, it is showed that Sultan Agung to made cooperation with Muslim scholar non-bureaucracy. Sultan Agung’ ideas is that Muslim scholar of non-bureaucracy to be exploited to link the political difference between Sultan Agung and regentafter invasionto Batavia. After the death of Sultan Agung, Amangkurat I (1645-1677) and Amangkrat II (1677-1703) started deconstruction of Mataram’s political system. Amangkurat I killed the Muslim scholar and santri (student at traditional Muslim school) in Pleret’s town square,[9]while Amangkurat II and the next rulers did not needed the political legitimacy from Muslim scholar and the pesantren (traditional Muslim school), even though that pesantren represented the mass bases and had the matrimony by Mataram.[10]

Political complication of Mataram Empire are added with the wide-spreading of intrigue, provocation, and factions in commutation of the throne supported by VOC.[11] This political situation made aristocrats loss of political moral and ethics. Kanjeng Ratu Mas Balitar, wife of Paku Buwana I, was distressed to saw the attitude of aristocrats of Mataram Empire. She wrote Javanese literature that described of the glorious of Mataram. Javanese literature that was written by Kanjeng Ratu Mas Balitar was Islamic literature in the period of Sultan Agung. The purposes of the spread of Islamic literature was: (1) to put Islam as a ideology in repairing aristocrat’s political moral and ethics, (2) the existence of Islamic literature will give spirits and strong attitude to against the intervention of VOC. Reading and comprehending oral and writing literature have an effect toward opinion and reader’s emotion.[12] But, the complicity of politics in Java and also low desire of aristocrats to read the Javanese literature cause there is not inspire attitude and awareness. So, the messages of political moral never change the behavior of Javanese aristocrats.

On the other hand, the background Javanese aristocrats lost of political moral and ethics was: (1) they had the right and priority to reach power, and that power very relevant with his interest; (2) condition of the state in a weak and relation between political components is separated. This political phenomenon indicated that Javanese aristocrats importance their intrinsic of interest rather than give priority of peoples, nation and also the state; (3) the king’s never control to the Javanese aristocrats, and did not effort to created a delegate authority to control of his aristocrats.[13]

The literatures of Kanjeng Ratu Mas Balitar including Serat Menak, Serat Iskandar, Serat Yusuf, Suluk Garwa Kencana, Gita Sifat Nabi, Seh Samsu Tabred, Caritaning Nabi Ibrahim, and Caritaning Nabi Enuh.[14]The literatures beside to introducing political ideas and values of Islam to the Javanese aristocrats, and also fight against the Dutch colonial.[15]Kanjeng Ratu Mas Balitar understood that king and aristocrats doesn’t have the guts to come across the VOC power. So, norms and values are being reproduced in Islamic literatures as a ideological product that root at propaganda. This argument is showed that king and aristocrats entered the period of ilang sirnaning manembah.[16] The interpretation of ilang sirnaning manembah was lost of pusaka (patrimony) and jati diri (spirit of elite).[17]

Pusaka and jati diri was not belongs the Javanese aristocrat, but parts of rural society life, which was far from the center power.[18] The pioneer transformation of pusaka and jati diri in rural society was Muslim scholar non-bureaucracy. In rural area, Muslim scholar non-bureaucracy was an intellectual and a cultural broker. The period of ilang sirnaning manembah happened in XVIII and XIX century, that expressed inside Serat Wedatama that was written by Mangkunegoro IV. In Serat Wedatama was known that aristocrats had the right and priority to reach power, and ignored Islamic doctrine, even though that doctrine was good for as guidance to built the power sides with peoples. Serat Wedatama seemingly to opened the concerned of Kanjeng Ratu Mas Balitar and a clip can be told:

“Allah” bukan pilihan pertama. …ia [Mangkunegara IV] bukan keturunan khatib atau tokoh agama. Ia anak “priayi”, lapisan pejabat kerajaan yang terpaut langsung atau tidak langsung dengan aristokrasi. …tak merasa tergabung dalam kalangan kaum [ulama], sebutan untuk orang-orang yang penampilan dan pernyataan dirinya dibentuk idiom “Islam”. Dengan keangkuhan setengah disembunyikan ia anggap ia akan “nista” [buruk] bila bergabung dengan kasta kaum…. “Yen muriha dadi kaum temah nista….” Dengan demikian, “Allah” dilihat hanya sebagai salah satu pilihan. Ia dapat dibandingkan dengan Raja. Keduanya praktis sejajar. “Allah” juga tak dianggap punya daya imbau yang universal. “Jawa” adalah sikap yang memandang Panembahan Senapati … sebagai model. Bukan Muhammad saw, nabi yang terlampau jauh untuk dijadikan tauladan. “Lamun sira paksa nulad, tuladaning kanjeng nabi, o ngger kadohan panjangkah”.[19]

[ “Allah” is not first choice. ...he [ Mangkunegara IV] was not the descendant of chatib or leader of religion. He was a son of “Javanese aristocrat”, the empire officer directly or indirectly connected with the aristocracy. …he does not feel merged into a clan of Islamic leaders, term for the people that formed by “Islam” idiom. With the arrogance that half hidden, he assume “nista” (be bad) when joining forces with clan caste…. Yen muriha dadi kaum temah nista…. Thereby, “Allah” was seen only as one of [the] choice. Allah was being compared with King. Both practically equal. “Allah” also does not being assumed to have the universal knowledge energy. “Java” [is] an attitude that looks into Panembahan Senapati … as a model. Not Muhammad saw, a prophet that is to far to be made as an example in life. Lamun sira paksa nulad, tuladaning kanjeng nabi, o ngger kadohan panjangkah”].

The literatures of Kanjeng Ratu Mas Balitar was connected with the idea of Sayyid Hossein Nasr was drawn that Islam literature have function as a tool to assist a so called recollection (eling lan waspada) and reawakening (bangkit).[20] Kanjeng Ratu Mas Balitar refuse to bow to the strength of Dutch colony, and criticize the attitude of king and also Javanese elites that conducted intrigue, provocation, and existence of factions in a commutation of empire throne, and also bowing to VOC. That bow has an effect on political moral and ethics of Javanese elites.[21]

Thereby Islam literatures introduced by Kanjeng Ratu Mas Balitar have a doctrinal character to build up the spirit of Javanese elites, and become a tools to help returning the political moral and ethics that had fade. Political chaos in XVIII until XIX century, holds the Javanese elites in power ambition, and drags the people into conflict circle. Confrontive relation in Java politics at XVIII until XIX century shows the lower civic engagement and the lower political engagement between political groups in Java.[22] The lower civic engagement and the lower political engagement between political groups cause the attitude of tolerance and political elites trust toward the empire institution was weak. Even number of conflicts between political elites quickens to collapse its social structure of the society, because that conflict burden directly caused to people and state economic crisis. According to Sayyid Hossein Nasr if the conflict between political elites continuing to take place, beside fastened the poverty also propagates the physics problem in society.[23]

C. Consolidation of Paku Buwana IV

The lower civic engagement and the lower political engagement was a caused from social structure effect of feudalism. In feudalism social structure the society are partitioned off in a few social stage, and the relation between social stages have a tendency to be difficult to come across. On the other hand, the involvement between political groups is very limited, because who is called a Javanese elites is king, noble, and Muslim scholar. The lower civic engagement and the lower political engagement caused: (1) the wide-spreading of intrigue, provocation and factions in Javanese political elite circle; (2) the political structure facilitate the colony to take control of Javanese political elite; and (3) political structure above, drag people’s involvement into a conflict between political elite. In political history conflict between Paku Buwana II, Prince Mangkubumi, and Raden Mas Said, was also dragging people into political conflict. Conflict took a long time and was unable to be finished, and also drove the colony to be a part of this conflict. It’s resolving was, Mataram divided into three parts, which are Kasunanan-Surakarta, Kasultanan-Yoyakarta, and Kadipaten Mangkunegaran.

Each empire conducts a consolidation, whether it is internal or external. Consolidation that conducted by Paku Buwana IV was introducing the Islamic politics din-dawlah in his bureaucracy empire. Din-dawlah paradigm represents the interrelationship between religion and state. Religion needs the state, because through state, religion has an ability to expand, and Islam norms and values can be made as an ethics base and also political moral. In introducing his din-dawlah, Paku Buwana IV decided: (1) notable Muslim scholar as political adviser. This structure is atypical, because political adviser of king is patih (chief minister to a king) and bupati nayaka (regent);[24] (2) obliging functionaries, sentana and abdi dalem to wear white clothes in a meeting (pisowanan);[25] (3) changing functionaries of the palace which not yet executed the syariat Islam.

Din-dawlah in Paku Buwana IV thought was extending the political relation by pesantren, specially Tembayat and Kajoran.[26]This political relation was meant to lead the harmonious relationship between Muslim scholar of bureaucracy and non-bureaucracy. Paku Buwana IV realized the role of Muslim scholar of non-bureaucracy in society was very big, but was often alleged by king and Dutch colonial as rebellion. On the contrary, king and Muslim scholar of bureaucracy have never assisted the people to face the political pressure and economics that the Dutch colony made. Only Muslim scholar of non-bureaucracy advocating people, even the Muslim scholar resides in the front line to conduct the protest movement.

Political change in Kasunanan was stopped with military force by Sultan-Yogyakarta, Mangkunegoro I, and Dutch colonial. They sent a troops and besiege the Keraton Kasunanan through three direction, from south of was Sultan-Yogyakarta team, north was team Mangkunegoro I, and west was Dutch colonial team. They claim so that the sixth of the Muslim scholar, which are Kiai Panengah, Kiai Wiradigda, Kiai Nursaleh, Kiai Bahman, Kiai R. Santri, and Kiai Kandhuruan to be burn as a punishment.[27] Political conflict among Paku Buwana IV and Sultan Hamengku Buwana I, Mangkunegoro I, and also Dutch colonial was written in Babad Pakepung (chronicle). Conflict between political elites represent was a traditional Javanese mysticism and orthodox legalistic Islam.[28] In this case Paku Buwana IV, a follower of orthodox legalistic Islam, sees that Mataram division ends after Paku Buwana III passed away. Meanwhile Sultan Hamengku Buwana I and Mangkunegoro I a traditional Javanese mysticism follower see that the orthodox legalistic Islam existence in Keraton Kasunanan can demolish the reconciliation, and also cause the disharmony to Islam mystique.[29]

Division of Mataram was automatically caused each of the empire in a fragile condition, so it is normal if king conduct an internal consolidation and external. Internal consolidation is asking the entire sentana and abdi dalem to strengthen the Islam values as a guidance of life, while external consolidation was making political relation with pesantren around Surakarta. The Islamic model of consolidation conducted by Paku Buwana IV cause since childhood has learnt Islam.[30]This fact indicates that the Paku Buwana IV try to build power based on the balance between political power and social power.

Islam dragged in political conflict in Java mean positive and negativity. The positive means Islam by normative-doctrine have never put in the creativity of the follower to develop the doctrine and Islam teaching, if not it will oppose against the al-Quran and al-Hadits. All developments are depending on Muslim mind ability. Meanwhile negative means the existence of different interpretation in Islam teaching that is easy to become a conflict in a wide range that will bring the political disintegration. Generally, conflict between Muslim caused the negative, because different vision in comprehending Islam doctrine always pulled toward political field. In Karl Marx political philosophy, conflict was dialectic, because the differences encourage the Muslim to develop the creativity of mind toward modern society phase.[31]

On the contrary, Ann Kumar looks into the political change in the palace of Kasunanan as an effort of PB IV to form political alliance. Political alliance could alter becoming association that acted to strengthen the spirit of Islam among Java political elite, and that action represent a signal oppose the political existence of the Dutch colonial.[32] The argument of Ann Kumar need to be observe, because opposing the Dutch have to have the equivalent weapons as the opponent, while division of Mataram cause military team to weakened. They serve to Paku Buwana III, Hamengku Buwana I and Mangkunegoro I. The Kasunanan military is limited because empire military were divided in two groups, which are professional army and farmer conscript. Professional military relatively small, while the biggest amount resides in farmer conscript. At some condition farmer conscript cannot be depended upon, whether in time or military skill. In plant season the farmer conscript return to countryside fulfills the obligation to plant the paddy. The structure of military team in Kasunanan indicate that the farmer conscript has a function to serve the professional army, and in season plant they disappear and cannot be used.[33]

Opponent vocabulary in paradigm of Ann Kumar has a contrary meaning, showing the desperateness of king and noble toward the Dutch colonial. An effort to redevelop the power only can be done by erecting l’esprit de corps, solidarity, and society awareness at social fact and politics which they faced. Henk Schulte Nordholt look into the collapse of Mataram generate a change from “the state of military contest” changing into “the state of theatre”.[34] The definition of state theatre are Javanese empires which do not have a political authority, and tendency to present ceremony, religious ritual, and luxury costume usage. Through this way was the identity and greatness of Javanese empire reclaimed, so that political bases of Javanese empire put down at its cultural context.

As long as XIX century the politics condition of Vorstenlanden as a tangled thread because king and noble are unable to fight the Dutch government. This Matter push Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani to sent a letter from Mekkah to Paku Buwana III, Hamengku Buwana I, and Mangkunegoro I to launch a holy war against the Dutch colonial government.[35] The ambition to fight was a form of anti Dutch colonization, and this attitude was a cause of Dutch intervention toward Java’s political life and monarchic economics. Dutch intervention was deep and harsh, and has entered the core region of empire. According to Karel Steenbrink, the colony’s action was a form of subordinate policy, so that the colony’s strength progressively establishes, and needn’t worry toward the action.[36] Superiority attitude cause the Dutch people look upon themselves as teacher, and nation supervisor which not yet literate.[37]

Paku Buwana IV disappointed for his failures in introducing Islamic political thought of din-dawlah. To eliminate the discontentment, Paku Buwana IV allowed Kiai Jamsari to built pesantren around keraton, and named Jamsaren. Every year Paku Buwana IV gift a money donation to Pesantren Jamsaren to develop the Islamic education in Surakarta.[38] A lot of aristocrat’s children learn at Pesantren Jamsaren.[39]The aid to pesantren has been conducted by the new order government as a mean to obtain the political legitimating from pesantren society. During the governance of Paku Buwana IV until Paku Buwana VI the role of pesantren was very big, even at Java wartime 1825-1830, Pesantren Jamsaren become the link of communications between Paku Buwana VI and Prince Diponegoro. That involvement brought negative effect toward the existence of pesantren, because Jamsaren was destroyed after war, cause stagnation of Islam education Surakarta for more than 40 year.

Pesantren Jamsaren reopened by Paku Buwana IX ( 1861-1893) to pressed the secularism and overcome the discrimination problem in system of colonial education. The reopened of Pesantren Jamsaren represents the political symbol to that will improve the legitimating power of Paku Buwana IX. The attendance of West education, the reopening of Pesantren Jamsaren, and Surakarta resident consists ofArab, Chinese, Europe, Java, Madura, Bali, and Kalimantan ethnics creating a compound atmosphere. This situation influences the color of Islam growth in Surakarta. There are three problems why Muslim in Surakarta is back in old construction (Islam mystique). First, political construction of din-dawlah that was introduced by Paku Buwana IV had faded Second, Javanese political elites took a fancy to Islam mystique rather than Islam trans-national. Third, wide political pressure of Dutch colonial for introducing selularism to the Javanese political elite. But nowdays in South Surakarta emerge the idea of din-dawlah, they want to build Islamic state, according Islamic doctrine whether al-Quran and al-Hadits.

In the year of 1905, Paku Buwana X with the help of Kiai Muhammad Idris from Pesantren Jamsaren and other muslim scholar to build a Islamic school named Madrasah Mama’ul Ulum. This madrasah was disputed in Dutch Parliament assumed that is equal to university, so that parliamentarians ask to the Minister of Dutch Colonial to investigate it. The investigation of Governor General Idenburg has ascertained to Dutch parliament that Madrasah Mamba’ul Ulum is pesantren so it remains permitted to continue the education activity. Even the graduate of this madarasah are able to continue the education to University al-Azhar, Cairo.

D.CONCLUSION

Political pressures, economic and social as an effect of division of Matarm have pushed Paku Buwana IV to applied Islamic politics din-dawlah that have a characteristic of trans-national in bureaucracy Kasunanan. This matter was to extend the political network with the Islam community. That action cause worries to Sultan Hamengku Buwana I, Mangkunegoro I, and Dutch colonial government. As a result, Keraton Kasunanan besiege by those three teams of political elite above, and forced to be punish by burn to muslim scholar political advisor. After that the political idea was changed, and the ruler would be centering at Islamic education and Javanese tradition.

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Coleman, James S., 2008, Dasar-Dasar Teori Sosial, a.b. Imam Muttaqien, Derta Sri Widowati & Siwi Purwandari, Bandung: Nusa Media.

Florida, Nancy K., 2003, Menyurat yang Silam Menggurat yang Menjelang: Sejarah sebagai Nubuat di Jawa Masa Kolonial, a.b. Revianto B. Santosa & Nancy K. Florida, Yogyakarta: Bentang Budaya.

Gunawan, Asep (ed.), 2004, Artikulasi Islam Kultural: Dari Tahapan Moral ke Periode Sejarah, Jakarta: Raja Grafindo Persada.

Karim, M. Rusli, 1995, “Konflik Islam Kontemporer di Indonesia, Berbagai Variasi dan Kerumitannya”, Prisma, No. 5, Mei 1995.

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, 1980, “Javanese Court Society and Politics in the Late Eighteenth Century: The Record of Lady Soldier. Part II: Political Developments: The Court and the Company, 1784-1791”, Indonesia, No. 30, October 1980.

, 1985, The Diary of Javanese Muslim: Religion, Politics and the Pesantren 1883-1886, Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies, ANU.

Lombard, Denys, 2005, Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya, Bagian II Jaringan Asia, a.b. Winarsih P. Arifin, Rahayu S. Hidayat & Nini H. Yusuf, Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Forum Jakarta-Paris & Ecole francais d’Extreme-Orient.

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* An Academic Staff at Undergraduate and Master’s Program of History Education, Faculty of Education and Teacher Training, and Master’s Program of Family Health, Faculty of Medicine, Sebelas Maret State University, Surakarta. E-mail: hermanu_joebagio@yahoo.com

[1]Denis Lombard, 2005, Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya, Bagian II Jaringan Asia, a.b. Winarsih P. Arifin., Rahayu S. Hidayat, Nini H. Yusuf,Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama,Forum Jakarta-Paris, & Ecole francais d’Extreme-Orient, pp. 84-148.

[2]Fachry Ali, 2004, “Masa Tak Berwarga Negara: Gerakan-gerakan Protes di Jawa Abad ke-19”, dalam Asep Gunawan (ed.), Artikulasi Islam Kultural: Dari Tahapan Moral ke Periode Sejarah, Jakarta: Raja Grafindo Persada, p. 247.

[3]M.C. Ricklefs, 2002, Yogyakarta di Bawah Sultan Mangkubumi 1749-1792, Yogyakarta: Mata Bangsa, pp. 6-12.

[4]Merle C. Ricklefs, 1998a, “Islamising Java: The Long Shadow of Sultan Agung”, dalam Archipel, Vol. I, No. 56, pp. 469-482.

[5]M.C. Ricklefs, 1998b, The Seen and Unseen Worlds in Java 1726-1749: History, Literature and Islam in the Court of Pakubuwana II, Honolulu: Allen & Unwin, and University of Hawai’i Press, pp. xvii-xix.

[6]Azyumardi Azra, 2004, “Islam dan Negara: Eksperimen dalam Masa Modern, Tinjauan Sosio-Historis”, dalam Asep Gunawan (ed.), op. cit., pp. 142-143.

[7]Niels Mulder, 1992, Individual and Society in Java: A Cultural Analysis, Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, pp. 4-19.

[8]Karel A. Steenbrink, 1984, Beberapa Aspek tentang Islam di Indonesia Abad Ke-19, Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, p. 30.

[9]Ibid., pp. 29-31.

[10]Soemarsaid Moertono, 1985, Negara dan Usaha Bina Negara: Studi tentang Mataram II, Abad XVI Sampai XIX, a.b. YOI, Jakarta: YOI, pp. 37-39.

[11]Ricklefs, 1998b, op. cit., pp. 28-126.

[12]Mikihiro Moriyama, 2005, Semangat Baru: Kolonialisme, Budaya Cetak, dan Kesusastraan Sunda Abad ke-19, a.b. Suryadi, Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, pp. 4-19.

[13]James S. Coleman, 2008, Dasar-Dasar Teori Sosial, a.b. Imam Muttaqien, Derta Sri Widowati & Siwi Purwandari, Bandung: Nusa Media, pp. 79-95.

[14]M.C. Ricklefs, 1998b, loc. cit.

[15]Ibid.

[16]The meaning of ilang sirnaning manembah was king and aristocrats never think sinful and ashamed to their political, economic, and social actions.

[17]The meaning of patrimony was norms and values would be contained in Quran and Hadits, that would be shield theirselves. The shield is introduced and to be condition as a political culture. Alex Sadewa, 1995, op. cit., p. 22.

[18]Goenawan Mohamad, 2003, “Paradigma Pengging: Kata Pengantar”, dalam Nancy K. Florida, Menyurat yang Silam Menggurat yang Menjelang: Sejarah sebagai Nubuat di Jawa Masa Kolonial, a.b. Revianto B. Santosa & Nancy K. Florida, Yogyakarta: Bentang Budaya, p. xiv-xvi.

[19]Serat Wedatama quoted by Gunawan Muhammad showed that Javanese political elites priority to reach power, and the process reach a power by association and Dutch intervention. Dutch intervension has been entered center power of the Javanese throne. Goenawan Mohamad, 2006, “Catatan Pinggir: Abangan”, dalam Tempo, 17 September 2006, p. 114.

[20]Azyumardi Azra, 2002, Historiografi Islam Kontemporer: Wacana, Aktualitas, dan Aktor Sejarah, Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama, p. 202.

[21]Ibid., pp. 194-200. Ethic are way of life in Javanese culture. Disappear of political moral and ethic it is mean disappear responsibilities of political elites to make justice, prosperity, and protect to the peoples. See Franz Magnis-Suseno, 1988, Etika Politik: Prinsip-prinsip Moral Dasar Kenegaraan Modern, Jakarta: Gramedia, pp. 12-15.

[22]Saiful Mujani, 2007, Muslim Demokrasi: Islam, Budaya Demokrasi, dan Partisipasi Politik di Indonesia Pasca-Orde Baru, Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama, pp. 26-29.

[23]Azyumardi Azra, 2002, loc. cit.

[24] Yasadipura I, 1989, Babad Pakepung, translate by Endang Saparinah, Surakarta: Fakultas Sastra UNS, pp. 24-37.

[25]Ann Kumar, 1980, “Javanese Court Society and Politics in the Late Eighteenth Century: The Record of Lady Soldier. Part II: Political Developments: The Court and the Company, 1784-1791”, dalam Indonesia, No. 30, October 1980, p. 85; lihat pula Purwadi & Rahmat Fajri, 2005, Mistik dan Kosmologi Serat Centhini, Yogyakarta: Media Abadi, pp. 51-61.

[26]Ann Kumar, 1985, The Diary of Javanese Muslim: Religion, Politics and the Pesantren 1883-1886, Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies, ANU, p. 1-7.

[27]Burning punishment to the Muslim scholar or others elite groups did not suggestion in al-Quran and al-Hadits.

[28]S. Soebardi, 1971, “Santri-religious Elements as Reflected in the Book of Tjentini”, dalam Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde (BKI), No. 127, 1971, p. 349.

[29]Islam mystique (tasawuf) easy to be accepted cause Javanese idea, Hindu, and Budha are domination by mystique. So, Islam mystique easy to expanded in Aceh and in Java. See Dhanu Priyo Prabowo, 2003, Pengaruh Islam dalam Karya-karya R.Ng. Ranggawarsita, Yogyakarta: Narasi, pp. 20-21.

[30]Supariadi, 2001, Kyai dan Priyayi di Masa Transisi, Surakarta: Pustaka Cakra, pp. 146-159.

[31]M. Rusli Karim, 1995, “Konflik Islam Kontemporer di Indonesia, Berbagai Variasi dan Kerumitannya”, Prisma, No.5, Mei 1995, pp. 43-61.

[32]Ann Kumar,1985, op. cit., p. 3.

[33]Willem Remmelink, 2002, Perang Cina dan Runtuhnya Negara Jawa 1725-1743, a.b. Akhmad Santoso, Yogyakarta: Jendela, pp. 1-25.

[34]Henk Schulte Nordholt, “Pendahuluan”, dalam Henk Schulte Nordholt (ed.), Outward Appearances: Trend, Identitas, Kepentingan, a.b. M. Imam Aziz, (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2005), p. 18.

[35]Ricklefs, op. cit., p. 212.

[36]Ibid.

[37]Ibid.

[38]Ann Kumar, “Javanese Court Society and Politics in the Late Eighteenth Century: The Record of Lady Soldier. Part I: The Religious, Social, and Economic Life of the Court”, Indonesia, No. 29, April 1980, p. 30.

[39] Ibid., pp. 25-35.

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